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Of the common
people, we propose
to deal with the
different
nationalities living
within the Parched
Land. The most
important of them
were the Burmese. A
Mon inscription of
1101/2 mentions them
as Minna. The word
mranmaoccurred first
in an inscription of
1190. The spelling
changed to Mrammain
about 1332. Mranma
prall, which was of
course Tattadesa,
was first mentioned
in 1235. Next we
have the Pyu who
were probably the
Chinese P'iao and
Mon Tircul. They
lived on the
northern and
southern tips of the
Burmese area and it
seems that they
mixed so freely with
the Burmese that
they disappeared
rapidly during the
Pagan period. Sak
also must have been
absorbed by the
Burmese, though a
few of them still
remain in the Akyab
district. A peak
near Pagan, known as
Tura') Sak Cuiw - a
peak of Turan from
where the Sak were
controlled. Saw
lived to the west of
the Mu in the
Tabayin area and
Kanru in the upper
Mu. Sa')rhway Prafi
or Tagaung was the
centre of Kanru.
The
final conquest of
their lands by the
Burmese seems to
have taken place in
1228. Khyan and Yaw
occurred in the
inscriptions of our
period, more in a
geographic than
ethnic sense. There
must have also been
people from Arakan
among the Burmese
because we find
mention of the
Rakhuin among both
the slave and the
donors. The southern
portion of the
Burmese area must
have been peopled
with first by the
Cakraw who were
enlisted by the
Burma's for military
service. Tonsu was
also used in the
ethnic sense in the
inscriptions. Rmen
or Tanluirl were
able to exercise
quite a considerable
influence over the
Burma people in the
first half of the
Pagan dynasty.
Khathmhu kharuin
including Tanluifi
rwa ma was located
at the junction of
the Samon and
Myitnge. Krwam or
Cambodian population
was also quite
numerous, among whom
Na Pu Tat was noted
for bravery during
the reign of
Natorimya. Lawa
lived perhaps in
SaMoti kharuin, to
the east of the
Sarithway canal in
Kyaukse District.
Syam were also found
to be very much
mixed up with the
Burmese as the word
is frequently
mentioned among the
slave names. CM
or?Chinese slaves
were mentioned in
1266. Taruk might
mean Mongols. Kula
or Indians were most
frequently recorded
in the inscriptions.
One type of
architecture was
called after them,
the Kula Von or
brick monastery.
Perhaps they were
more numerous at
sanphaw chip -
shipping port, like
Yhanpuiw. Among the
slaves, Indians
formed the majority
next to the Burmese.
With this racial
background, I think
we could now briefly
examine their family
life.
Kinship
Family was very
important in a
society of that
period.
Mrhos
is the Burmese word
for it. Some of the
terms for blood
relations are
achuyamluiw or
achuyawa or just
chuymlyuiw or pokpo.
Ancestors are libel
aphuiw. A father is
sometimes called
khamati but usually
the parents are ami
Spha. A husband,
wife and children
are often referred
to as tan miya sa
cash The loving
couple are known as
molt nhath, or myok
sit, or khan pwan.
In-laws are
yokkhanra - parents
in-law, yokpha or
mat -
brother-in-law,
samak - son-in-law,
khruyma -
daughter-in-law,
step mother is nhon
and. Mother's
brother is either
ari or uri and
sister is ataw. But
mother's elder
sister is mikrf and
younger sister
mithuy. Father's
elder brother is pha
krr while the
younger one is
phathuy. Beloved
wife is pay mya or
maya pluiw. Since
there are references
to miya nay, lesser
wife, and kuiw lip,
concubine, it would
be quite safe to
assume that polygomy
was recognised
during that period.
Though sacould mean
son, the word sa is
used as a generic
term for children
because daughter is
invariably written
as samfor smr. A
suckling is nuiw
cuiw, and nuiw khuiw,
stealer of milk, is
perhaps an adopted
child. Among the
children, to a girl
her elder sisters
are acma and younger
ones pima- and her
elder brothers are
ackuiw and younger
ones morn, and to a
boy his brothers are
non whereas the
elder brother is
ackuiw and younger
one nror non naiand
his elder sisters
are acna - and
younger ones nhma.
Kantay is the word
for a widow. Thus
they had well-knit
family ties as the
Burmans of today
have. Their
professions would
enlighten us on the
social conditions of
these days.
Occupations
Their
professions roughly
fall into five
catagories. Firstly,
there are the
agriculturists
including cowherds;
secondly, the food
suppliers including
cooks; thirdly, the
craftsmen; fourthly
the musicians and
finally the
miscellaneous.
Of the
agriculturists, lay
saflor lay su -
fanners, topped the
list. Then there
were such people as
lay uyan con- those
who guarded the
fields and gardens,
caps cuik- planters
of paddy, and uyan
sah - gardeners.
Next come those who
looked after cattle
and poultry and for
convenience sake we
include here herders
of other animals as
well. They were
nwsthin - cowherds,
klway thin -
buffaloe herds, chit
shim - goat-herds,
chap thin -
elephant-keepers and
wampay thin -
Senders of ducks.
Queen
Saw in 1299 proudly
mentioned a nwä klod
cwarh - expert
cowherd called Nä
Lyon, among slaves
dedicated to a
pagoda. Bur-mans as
indicated in an
inscription were
fond of nuiw sac
nuiw tharhnr ryak
tak thawpyit thawpat
arasa AA pa- five
delicacies of fresh
milk, sour milk,
butter milk,
unclarified butter,
and clarified
butter. Nuiw fihat
nwä ma- the milch
cows, must have been
specially reared for
such delicacies.
The
food suppliers
comprised of workers
such as cooks,
butchers and
milkmen. Old Burmans
employed separate
people for cooking
rice and thus they
had thamad sail-
rice cooks and had
san - curry cooks.
Perhaps these were
attached to big
monastic
establishments where
preparing rice alone
required an army of
cooks. For the
house-cook they had
im thaman khyak To
supply meat there
were away soil of
may sari- butchers,
szkuiw - keeper of
game, and muchuiw -
hunters. Puik sari
or kwan san- net
men, supplied fish.
For sweetmeats,
there were nwa nuiw
sari - the milkmen,
and yang, pyi sari-
the honey man.
Chewing betel was a
regular practice and
perhaps demanded
specialised service.
They had kwath sail
and kwarhmwan taw
saßas servers of
kwarh ya- betel
quids.
The third category
includes craftsmen
who
were responsible for
the beautiful Pagan
architecture which
we admire very much
today, and who also
made articles for
everyday use, and
weavers. They were
laksmä- carpenters;
tacaft sari- plane
men; puran - masons
as builders; panpu -
woodcarvers; pankhi
- painters; panpwat
- wood turners;
tatikyat san-
?canopy makers as
decorators; ut sail
- brick makers to
supply bricks;
panphay -
blacksmiths to
supply things made
of iron and athu
sail or purpa sari-
image makers to
supply the images of
the Lord. TM- sari-
umbrella makers, to
manufacture golden
umbrellas (Calcutta
Museum BG 232 shows
a Burmese umbrella
cast in bronze in
1293) to spread over
pagodas or images.
These builders, and
suppliers of
building materials
and decorators must
have had a very busy
time during the
period under survey
which is often
called the period of
temple-builders.
There were also
panthin -goldsmiths,
to make jewelry as
well as the spires
of temples and
pagodas, where
precious metal and
stones were used.
For pots and pans,
there were uiw thin
- potters,
kara
sail- jug makers,
and lanpan sail-
tray makers. For
making clothes,
there are khra
saßand khraii nay
sail- spinners,
pukhran saß-
loincloth makers,
and yan saß-
weavers.
In the fourth
category were
musicians; these
were players of
various musical
instruments among
which the drum
seemed to be the
most popular.
Singing and dancing
accompanied by the
drum seemed to be
one of the favourite
diversions of the
old Burmans since
there were more
people employed as
can son- drummers,
and pantaya-
nautches, than any
other musicians. For
singing alone they
had sikhran saß- the
singers, and for
dancing they had
kakhriy saß` - the
dancers. Other
musicians were
persons to blow
tapiuw - horns, pasa
saß' - side
drummers; khawkkhwan
saß - cymbal
players; nonnan sal
- bell players;
khara sailor nhan
saß- trumpeters,
candra saß-
?dulcimer players;
nasancra saß-
?trumpeters; con saß
- harpists; and saro
san - ?violinists.
Lastly, there were
professionals of
various types. These
were lak saß-
midwife; kuha sad-
launderers; lhawka
saß- boat men;
sariryan saß-
palanquin carriers;
than chum saß- oil
producers; riy sail-
water carriers; mkt)
mliy saß- ?canal
diggers; than saß-
wood cutters; Than
sad - cartmen; kha
saß- harness makers;
cha saß- salt
makers; pi saß -
?salted fish makers;
muchit rip -
barbers; laksaß
thuiw- manicurists;
bhanda sad or phatta
saß- ?stewards,
sartrhok saß -
locksmiths; uphwap
saß - coiffeurs; and
nags kraft saß- ?armourers.
CT con or kJ' con
kJ' saß - keepers of
the granary, were
also important
people. The educated
poor hired their
services as cariy or
cakhf - clerks. We
are unable to
identify such
workers as rakan
soßand alay sail`.
The wide range of
professions show us
that the town
community or village
community was
self-sufficient.
Slavery
As has already been
stated, we know more
about the slaves
than anybody else.
Kywan is a Burmese
word for slave and
it implies,
nowadays, menial
service by a person
to another. But to a
Burman of the
medieval times, the
connotation of the
word must have been
different. We have
evidence to show
that people in those
days volun-
tarily turned
themselves into
slaves of religious
establishments. Even
kings had their
children dedicated
as slaves. If a king
could turn his own
children, or
children he regarded
as his own, into
slaves, it is
obvious that to
become a pagoda
slave in those days
did not imply that
the person would go
down in the social
scale.
The majority of
slaves were
hereditary.
Hence
such phrases as sä
chak mliy chak
meaning from son to
grandson in
succession. A slave
community would come
into being and every
child born
thereafter into that
community was
considered a slave.
Perhaps the word
sapok was applied to
a person born of
slave parents.
Eventually, slave
villages came into
existence known as
kyon rwalurh - the
whole village of
slaves (in an
inscription dated
1223); kiwi kywan
rwä - the village of
monastery slaves (in
an inscription dated
1235); wat khlak rwä-
the rice cooking
village, meaning
that the villagers
were all slaves to
the nearby monastery
and that they served
it as cooks. The
famous Ku-byauk-gyi
inscription of
prince Rajakumar
mentions three slave
villages of
Sakmunalon, Rainy,
and Henbuiw. Owners
naturally regarded
slaves as pan of
their estates that
could be handed down
from father to son,
or could be bought
and sold or used in
settling debts which
often led to
disputes and law
suits concerning
their ownership.
Perhaps to avoid
such disputes at a
later date, judges
were called upon in
some cases to
witness the transfer
of ownership which
was duly registered,
signed and sealed.
Amity kywan - the
inherited slave, is
a term used by Na U
Lyon to describe
eleven slaves whom
he inherited from
his aunt Yaptaw San
Khyat Ma, a
concubine of Canso
I. But there are
also records which
explicitly state
that the same slaves
were not part of the
inherited property.
In such cases it can
be deduced that
certain slaves were
acquired through
buying or settling a
debt, or winning a
law suit. If buying
or selling slaves
was possible, it
could be assumed
that there was some
form of recognized
slave trade.
There are instances
where donors,
in
making dedications
to religious
establishments, very
often mentioned the
prices they paid for
the slaves. A slave
cost approximately
thirty ticals of
silver, or twenty
viss of copper, or
twenty baskets of
paddy, while fifty
slaves were
ex-changed for an
elephant, forty for
an exceptionally
good horse, one for
a boat, or ten
areca-nut palms. A
slave could redeem
himself for as
little as five viss
of copper. On the
other hand, the
price for redeeming
an insolvent debtor
who became a slave
would be enormous. A
piysna, who prepared
palm leaves for
writing, called NA
Tail San went
bankrupt in 1227. He
and his family
became slaves of a
minister called
Anantasu. There are
also probably
instances of war
captives and certain
followers of a rebel
prince being turned
into slaves. These
slaves could become
free again either by
redemption or by
simply running away.
Even
though a modest sum
of five viss of
copper was the fee
of liberty as
mentioned above,
some did run away.
But this did not
happen frequently
and we can find no
evidence that they
were ever tracked
down and given
capital punishment.
Most of the slaves
were probably too
contented with their
lot and many of them
were perhaps too
attached to their
native place to run
away. Besides, the
slave owners were
merciful and
benevolent. Slaves
were never taken
away from their
native place but
instead they were
allowed to follow
their own trade or
profession with the
added comfort that a
master would keep
them for better or
worse. Usually they
were attached to a
land in their
locality or, in the
case of
professionals,
people of the same
vocation were
grouped together.
Cowherds stayed with
their cows in the
pasture lands. It
was only the
ownership which
changed.
Nevertheless there
were some black
sheep amongst the
slaves. Towards the
end of the dynasty,
in 1266, a whole
group of Indian
slaves at Yhanpuiw
was recorded to have
absconded. Yhanpuiw
was a port and was
within easy reach of
the sea. This
proximity to the sea
could, with an
uneasy political
situation at that
time, have tempted
them to escape.
Benevolence, as a
characteristic of
the slave owners, is
an outstand-ing
feature of Pagan
slavery. A donor in
1198 dedicated to a
pagoda 567.5 pay of
land and 228 slaves,
the majority of whom
were labourers who
served the pagoda
with the produce of
the land, and the
rest were slaves who
were skilled
artists. Among these
was the leader of
the group who acted
as general
supervisor, a
firewood cutter, a
granary keeper, a
dancer or singer and
a drummer—all of
whom served the
pagoda with their
own skills. For
their service and
their welfare, the
donor was
meticulously careful
to leave special
provisions for
them.Out of 567.5
pay of land, ten
were alloted to the
supervisor, five to
the woodcutter, five
to the granary
keeper, five to the
singer and three to
the drummer.
Queen Saw, mother of
Singhapati and
Tryaphya,
dedicated to a
pagoda in 1241 260
pay of land, 2
gardens and 178
slaves. So bountiful
was she that she
left detailed
instructions
regarding the food
supply for the
slaves who were not
even connected with
the land. Again, the
wife of Prince
Gaagasura, in making
a dedication of
511.5 pay of land in
1242, stated that 15
pay were for the
slaves. Queen Saw,
mother of Rajasura,
dedicated slaves to
a monastery in 1291
and said that when
these slaves became
sick or old, the
monks must give them
proper treatment and
care. This is the
best security that a
man could desire
against old age and
infirmity and many
of the Pagan slaves
had that security.
Very often we find
that rahan, pancaf
and bhikkunr among
the list of slaves.
The only reason we
could think of their
presence ih the
lists of slaves is
that they were born
of slave parents.
The Buddhist Order
recognises no class
distinction,
nevertheless slaves
must obtain the
consent of their
masters before they
could become monks
or nuns. These
slaves must have had
the permission of
their masters before
they joined the
Order, probably with
the understanding
that if and when
they left the Order
they should revert
to slavery again. It
is conceivable that
their names were
included in the
lists of slaves so
that, should there
be any disclaimer
after leaving the
Order, one of these
lists might be used
as an evidence
against him. Apart
from that, the
inclusion of their
names on the lists
seems to have no
meaning at all. In
one case it is
specifically
mentioned that a
minister called
Garigabijafi allowed
two adults and
twenty children of
his slaves to become
monks and novices.
There were also
equally magnaq noun
slave owners who set
their slaves free
out of sheer
kindness. Some
owners not only set
their slaves free
but also gave them
land so that they
might not be in a
paradoxical plight
of gaining freedom
yet being without
work.
When allowing their
slaves to go free
the
owners used this
regular phrase "mrak
nu riy kran hi ra 1a
ciy," meaning that
the slaves could go
wherever there is
"tender grass and
and clear water." In
one particular case
the slaves of a
pagoda were each
given the right to
decide for
themselves when to
leave the pagoda
service. They could
have sought freedom
whenever they
wanted. But with
ample funds provided
by the rich donor
and only one image
to look after, they
decided perhaps to
remain slaves for
ever. They must have
been either quite
contented with their
lot or devoted to
their duties.
Their duties seem to
be onerous. In 1197
Jeyyasethiy
dedicated 141 slaves
to a pagoda and
monastery in order
that "sathput
watching wat ma prat
cim so Ma- in order
that rice food and
oil lamps shall be
served without
intermission."
Slaves whose
exclusive duty was
to cook rice or food
at a monastery were
known as sarhput
khyak kyon or wat
khyak kywan.
Minister Anantasura
in 1223 clearly
defined their duties
as follows:
To go on for ever
doing the necessary
repairs (at the
establishment): to
sweep the compound:
to go on serving the
Lord and the
Law
without intermission
with rice food, oil
lamps, betel: to
goon serving the
patient reverend
monks with the
flowers of rice food
on behalf of the
loving couple.
Minister Mahasman in
1225 gave another
definition:
These slaves are to
fetch the water for
the monks to wash
their feet. hands
and bodies, and
water to drink. They
are (also) to cook
the rice food and to
sweep and remove the
refuse.
In 1269 a donor
dedicated a Iaksma -
carpenter, and a
panphay -
blacksmith,
to a
ruined monastery to
carry out necessary
repairs. Another
donor dedicated
eleven slaves in the
same year to his
religious
establishment so
that they would be
useful when
necessity for
repairs arose. The
nature of duties
might vary slightly
among the slaves who
wem attached to the
pagoda, to the Law,
to the Order, and to
the sitha
(Ordination Hall).
Some of the slaves
were the personal
attendants to the
heads of
monasteries. Besides
the slaves of
religious
establishments,
there were domestic
slaves who would be
called variously Tm
kywan, im thor)
kywan, and Tm niy.
Slaves at the court
were known as either
kywan taw or mat m
far saß.Another
interesting
phenomenon about the
slaves in the
inscriptions is the
terms used to
describe them. In
giving a list of
slaves, wherever it
is necessary, a
short descriptive
account accompanied
their names, e.g. Im
thou for the head of
the family; kamay
for a widow; ya as a
prefix for a woman
of Mon extract; pucu
for young people;
nuiw or cuiw for
sucklings; carat for
literates and samt
apluiw day for a
young unmarried
daughter.
There
are certain terms
used as prefixes to
the names of both
sexes but,
unfortunately, we
have not been able
to identify them
yet. These are mhura,
mrakra, phut, uiw
and phu khi.
With regard to
literacy amongst
slaves,
three
inscriptions dated
1227, 1235 and 1249
throw much light on
the subject. They
mention the
expression carat
more than any other
in the inscriptions.
The first
inscription
enumerates
seventy-eight
slaves, among whom
nine were literate
(five boys and four
girls). In the
second one there |
